Notes

Replicas continue to be widely used by museums in Korea. See Veldkamp, “Keeping It Real: The Exhibition of Artifact Replicas in National Museums of Korea.”

See, for example, Hyung Il Pai, Constructing “Korean” Origins: A Critical Review of Archeology, Historiography, and Racial Myth in Korean State-Formation Theories; Heritage Management in Korea and Japan: The Politics of Antiquity and Identity.

See Yang, Cultural Protection Policy in Korea and “Seoul-shi muhyŏng munhwajae.”

Keith Howard’s work on heritage management comprises two monographs published in 2006, Creating Korean Music and Preserving Korean Music, and the edited volume Music as Intangible Cultural Heritage.

Chung Hee Park, Our Nation’s Path, pp. 242–243.

Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox of Postcolonial Korean Nationalism,” p. 70. Oskar Elschek notes that “cultural policies have more to do with politics than with culture i.e. they have to do with politically and ideologically targeted goals” (“Traditional Music and Cultural Politics,” p. 32). Throughout the 1990s, leading economic magazines continued to tie the promotion of economic activity to that of Korea’s cultural heritage. The front cover of the monthly Korean Business Review, for example, which regularly included an article under the title “Korean Heritage,” always displayed an image related to Korea’s cultural past. The monthly Economic Report also had a section called “Culture” that usually focused on Korea’s tangible heritage.

See, for example, Sorensen, “Rural Modernization under the Park Regime in the 1960s,” pp. 154–161.

Sorensen, “Folk Religion and Political Commitment in South Korea in the 1980s,” pp. 343–344; Jung-kwon Chin, “The Dead Dictator’s Society,” p. 303; Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox,” pp. 77, 84.

Gi-wook Shin, “Nation, History, and Politics,” pp. 152–153.

Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox,” p. 72.

Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments, pp. 6, 120–121.

Chung Hee Park, Rebuilding a Nation, p. 25.

Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox,” p. 77.

Chung Hee Park, Major Speeches by Korea’s Park Chung Hee, p. 288.

For more on postcolonial contra-modernity with which this is associated, see Bhabha, The Location of Culture, pp. 6, 245.

Sorensen, “Folk Religion and Political Commitment,” p. 342.

In the 1950 editorial in which he coined the term “cultural cringe,” Arthur Phillips deplored the lack of confidence among Australians in the standard of their own art. Comparisons, so he argued, were inevitable, but the preferred British standard ultimately diminished the volume of art that sought to depict the complex idiosyncrasies of Australian life (Phillips, “The Cultural Cringe,” p. 299). In early twentieth-century India, however, the Bengal school of art already recognized the importance of a national standard of art independent from that of colonial powers. The school sought to eschew comparison with European standards by being “modern and national, and yet recognizably different from the Western” (Chatterjee, The Nation and Its Fragments, p. 8).

The left side of each page gives excerpts, the underlined parts of which should be corrected according to the suggestion on the righthand side of the page. One such excerpt from an Indonesian textbook reads as follows: “The Japanese people have always loved to fight. Their history is filled with warfare. In 1375 A.D., there was a princess named Ingo. She was successful in conquering parts of Korea.” In this case, the recommendation was simply to delete the underlined sentence (Samsung Co., Ltd., Misconceptions about Korean History, p. 86).

Maeil kyŏngje (Economy daily), February 17, 1994, 25.

Roger Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” p. 102; Chungmoo Choi, “The Minjung Culture Movement and Popular Culture,” p. 111. E. Taylor Atkins argues that the notion of Japanese colonial policy in Korea having been aimed at eradicating Korean culture remains strong among historians. Atkins, Primitive Selves, pp. 3, 201n2.

Han’guk munhwa yesul chinhŭngwŏn, Munye chinhŭngwŏn 20-nyŏnsa, p. 98.

Kwŏn Osŏng, “Kugak chŏngch’aek chedo-ŭi pyŏnch’ŏn-gwa mirae-ŭi chŏnmang,” p. 164.

Kim Yŏngt’ae, “Munhwa sanŏp chinhŭng kigŭm 500 ŏk chosŏng.” A remarkable 70.2 percent of the first five-year plan’s bud get was spent on renovation and preservation (Hongik Chung, “Cultural Policy and Development in Korea,” p. 2).

Grayson, Korea: A Religious History, pp. 204, 206.

Kwang-ok Kim, “Socio-Cultural Implications of the Recent Invention of Tradition in Korea,” pp. 12–15; Tangherlini, “Shamans, Students and the State,” pp. 139–143.

To nurture goodwill, people were sent to villages to organize cultural community events, including campfires, games, and folk dances. An undated guidebook for such event organizers, prob ably from the early 1970s, emphasizes the importance of good organization and leadership as well the organizer’s appearance and use of humor (Min’gan tanch’e saemaŭl undong chungang hyŏbŭihoe, pp. 4–5).

Sorensen, “Folk Religion and Political Commitment,” p. 344; Steinberg, “Civil Society and Human Rights in Korea,” p. 155.

Jung-kwon Chin, “The Dead Dictator’s Society,” p. 304; Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox,” pp. 78–79.

Brandt, “Rural Development and the New Community Movement in South Korea,” pp. 34–35.

Robinson, “Enduring Anxieties,” p. 184; Hagen Koo, “The State, Minjung, and the Working Class in South Korea,” pp. 144–145.

Sorensen, “Folk Religion and Political Commitment,” p. 345.

Abelmann, “Minjung Theory and Practice,” p. 143.

See also Wells, “The Cultural Construction of Korean History,” p. 12.

 Namhee Lee, The Making of Minjung, p. 203.

Kwang-ok Kim, “Socio-Cultural Implications of the Recent Invention of Tradition in Korea,” pp. 22–23.

Tangherlini, “Shamans, Students and the State,” pp. 131–132.

Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox,” p. 83.

Wŏlbo kongyŏn yulli (Public screening monthly), May 15, 1977, p. 8.

Sung Suh, Unbroken Spirits, pp. 71–81; Maliangkay, “Pop for Progress,” pp. 51–52.

In 1997, the Ministry of Culture and Tourism began to revise its censoring apparatus (Mun Okpae, Han’guk kŭmjigog-ŭi sahoe sa, pp. 20, 159).

Chang Chansŭp and Chang Nanju appear to be in denial of this possibility when they say, “the Korean culture is a stockpile of more than 2000 years of heritage. The culture will abandon some of its components and absorb some new elements, but the basic framework of the culture will remain. The Koreans remain Koreans with their unique culture no matter what happens to them” (The Korean Management System, pp. 71–72).

Howard, “Authenticity and Authority,” pp. 12–13.

Han’guk pŏpche yŏn’guwŏn, Pukhan pŏpche punsŏk, p. 39.

Howard, “Authenticity and Authority,” p. 158.

Howard, “Minyo in Korea,” pp. 19–20n1.

Howard, Creating Korean Music, p. 6, and “Authenticity and Authority,” p. 116.

Jongsung Yang, Cultural Protection Policy in Korea, p. 39.

Messenger and Smith, Cultural Heritage Management, p. 261; Pigliasco, “Intangible Cultural Property,” p. 260; Economist, July 14, 2012, pp. 69–70.

Miksic, “Introduction,” pp. xiii–xiv.

Gillman, The Idea of Cultural Heritage, p. 196.

Hobsbawm, “Introduction,” pp. 7–8.

Hughes, “The Heart’s Home Town,” p. 3.

Killick, In Search of Korean Traditional Opera, p. 212.

Delissen, “The Aesthetic Pasts of Space,” p. 252.

Tonga ilbo (Tonga daily), February 4, 1997, p. 45.

Jongsung Yang, Cultural Protection Policy in Korea, p. 112; Howard, “Authenticity and Authority,” p. 133.

Kendall, “Introduction,” p. 15.

Hesselink, SamulNori, p. 134; Howard, “Authenticity and Authority.” In 1996, the succession of the martial art t’aekkyŏn polarized the CPC and the Korean T’aekkyŏn Organization (Taehan t’aekkyŏn hyŏphoe). The latter disagreed with plans to appoint Chŏn Kyŏnghwa, the main student of Shin Hansŭng, as one of the two holders who had passed away in 1987, because Chŏn was said to represent a less authentic version of the martial art than the organization’s preferred candidate, Yi Yongbok (Chŏng Namgi, “Muhyŏng munhwajae chijŏng chedo kaesŏn moksori”).

Kwang-ok Kim, “Socio-Cultural Implications of the Recent Invention of Tradition in Korea,” pp. 24–27; Chaehae Im, “Tradition in Korean Society,” pp. 13–30; Tae-soo Sohn, “Scholars Debate Definition of Mask Dance.”

See Hobsbawm, “Introduction,” pp. 3–4.

Takashi Fujitani, “Inventing, Forgetting, Remembering,” p. 77.

Eyerman and Jamison, Music and Social Movements, p. 30.

Tomlinson, Cultural Imperialism, p. 91.

 Young-soo Kim, “Legitimacy and Korean Traditional Culture and Thought,” p. 106.

Anderson, Imagined Communities, pp. 5, 135.

Handler, “Creation Myths and Zoning Boards,” pp. 63–64.

Staub, “Folklore and Authenticity,” p. 171.

Office of Cultural Properties, The Preservation and Transmission System for the Intangible Cultural Properties of the Republic of Korea, p. 9.

Nettl, The Study of Ethnomusicology, p. 177. Nettl adds that the preservation systems in some “rapidly westernizing Asian societies” are the exception. In these cases, he finds, the attempts to fully preserve traditional music remove it from its earlier social context.

Janelli and Dawnhee Yim Janelli, “The Functional Value of Ignorance at a Korean Seance,” p. 90.

Pilzer, Hearts of Pine, p. 45.

Nettl, The Study of Ethnomusicology, p. 177.

Yi Yongshik, “Ch’angga-esŏ minyo-ro”; Maliangkay, “The Revival of Folksongs in South Korea.”

Im Tonggwŏn, Han’guk minyo sa, p. 216; Howard, “Minyo in Korea,” p. 15.

The Korean Music Research Society, Korean Folk Songs, p. 54.

The Korea Herald, November 28, 2014, 16.

Maliangkay, “The Revival of Folksongs in South Korea,” p. 228.

Atkins, Primitive Selves, 1910–1945, p. 157.

The Korean Music Research Society, Korean Folk Songs, p. 5.

In 1993 Ahn Sook-Sun (An Suksŏn), renowned vocalist of p’ansori (folk dramatic song), expressed her concern over the iconic power of Japanese traditions: “Their kabuki is no match for the richness and maturity of our p’ansori. Yet they have made it known to the world through decades of concerted efforts. Today, they have exclusive kabuki theaters in downtown Tokyo. We should learn a lesson from the Japanese” (Jung-nam Chi, “Ahn Sook-sun,” p. 47).

See Maliangkay, “There Is No Amen in Shaman.”

In the past few years, I have encountered many young female performers of traditional music who had had cosmetic surgery. In doing so, they were following the trend that has seen a growing number of young Korean women, and men, opting for cosmetic surgery in order to increase their chances of success in finding the right partner or job (see Verbeek, “Koreaanse man zweert bij cosmetica”).

Elschek, “Traditional Music and Cultural Politics,” p. 32.

See Rosaldo, Culture & Truth, pp. 42–43.

Hammersley, Reading Ethnographic Research, p. 36.

Scheper-Hughes, “The Margaret Mead Controversy,” p. 450.

Rice, “Time, Place, and Metaphor in Musical Experience and Ethnography,” pp. 154, 157–158.

Ruskin and Rice, “The Individual in Musical Ethnography,” pp. 308–309.

Bourdieu, The Field of Cultural Production, pp. 77, 121.

Hobsbawm, “Mass-Producing Traditions,” p. 263.

Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea, pp. 8, 229.

 Gellner, Nations and Nationalism, p. 12; see also pp. 36, 111, 141; Kwang-ok Kim, “Colonial Body and Indigenous Soul,” p. 271.

In Japan, on the other hand, the Meiji Restoration of 1868 intended to restore the emperor’s position of authority. Upon recognizing the potential use of associating objects with symbolic capital, the authorities began to effectively seek the wide valorization of a range of uniquely Japanese objects in the 1870s, albeit in the first instance for the purpose of boosting overseas trade (Ivy, Discourses of the Vanishing, pp. 37–38).

See Chin Kim, “Legal Privileges under the Early Yi Dynasty Criminal Codes,” p. 19; Yi Sŏngmu et al., Yŏkchu kyŏngguk taejŏn (Translation and annotation of the Great Code of Administration), 2: p. 682; Deuchler, The Confucian Transformation of Korea, pp. 121–122.

These government offices dealt with the general affairs of the palace and the surrounding buildings, respectively (see Yi Sŏngmu et al., Yŏkchu kyŏngguk taejŏn, 1, pp. 483–484).

Pak Pyŏngho, Han’gug-ŭi chŏnt’ong sahoe-wa pŏp (Korea’s traditional society and legislation), pp. 295–296.

The plan to reconstruct Kyŏngbok Palace, which had been destroyed by fire at the time of the Hideyoshi invasions (1592–1598), came from the father of King Kojong, the prince regent Hŭngsŏn Taewŏn’gun. To fund the expensive restoration and hire the enormous number of workers required, special taxes were raised and new money printed (see Ki-Baik Lee, A New History of Korea, pp. 260–263; De Ceuster, “The Changing Nature of National Icons in the Seoul Landscape,” pp. 79–80).

Lew, “Growth of the Forces of Enlightenment,” pp. 224–226; Wilkinson, The Corean Government, pp. 46, 52–53, 57–59. On October 12, 1897, the Korean royal house announced that as a reaction to Japanese aggression it had assumed the title of emperor. In the thirteen-point edict, the royal house condemned corruption among officials and emphasized the court’s concern for the people. It appears that the court did not rule out the possibility that Japanese pressure was the result of deities being displeased, as point eleven reads as follows: “Let local authorities send to the proper department an estimate of the cost of repairing all dilapidated temples sacred to mountains and streams. Such repairs should be made at once to show reverence to gods” (“The Edict,” in The Korean Repository 4, pp. 388–390). Although the edict would be aimed at Confucian temples and shrines in general, a statement made by officials on the day of the declaration suggests a primary concern with the safeguard of royal ancestral temples: “When we passed through calamitous times, many dangers only strengthened the country and great anxieties displayed your [“Your Majesty”] powers. Through your exertions disorders have been rectified; and the royal ancestral temples have been kept safe” (The Korean Repository 4, p. 387).

Moon, Populist Collaborators, p. 33.

Atkins, Primitive Selves, p. 80.

Henry, “Respatializing Chosŏn’s Royal Capital,” p. 22.

See Pai, Heritage Management in Korea and Japan, p. 116.

Munhwa kongbobu (Ministry of Culture and Information), Munhwa kongbo 30-nyŏn (Thirty years of culture and public information), p. 311.

Edict no. 162, Munhwajae kwalliguk, “Kuhwangshil kwan’gye pŏmnyŏng mit chaesan mongnokchip” (Property inventory and statute regarding the former royal house hold), pp. 6–7.

Chōsen sōtokufu (Government-General of Korea), Chōsen sōtokufu shisei nenpō—Meiji 41 nenpō (Yearbook of the Government-General of Korea—1908), pp. 11–13.

 Ki-Baik Lee, A New History of Korea, p. 331; Maliangkay, “New Symbolism and Retail Therapy,” pp. 35–36.

Kimura, “Standards of Living in Colonial Korea,” pp. 641–642.

Bishop, Korea and Her Neighbours, p. 21. When around the turn of the century a large number of Confucian schools, sŏdang, were modernized, their curriculum came to even include some English (Kwang-ok Kim, “Colonial Body and Indigenous Soul,” p. 269). Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, 1910–1945, pp. 94–99.

Min Kyŏngch’an, “Chosŏn ch’ongdokpu-ŭi ŭmak kyoyuk-kwa ilche kangjŏmgi ttae Pusan-esŏ palgandoen ‘Ch’angga kyojae sŏnjib’-e taehayŏ” (On the music education of the Government-General of Korea and the “Anthology of ch’angga for educational purposes” published in Pusan during the period of Japanese colonial rule), pp. 72, 82–83.

Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, pp. 99–100.

Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” p. 86; Kwang-ok Kim, “Colonial Body and Indigenous Soul,” p. 280; Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, pp. 104–105.

Ki-Baik Lee, A New History of Korea, p. 334; Mason et al., The Economic and Social Modernization of the Republic of Korea, p. 344; Robinson, “Chapter 15: The First Phase of Japanese Rule, 1910–1919,” pp. 262–264.

Ki-Baik Lee, A New History of Korea, p. 331; Maliangkay, “New Symbolism and Retail Therapy,” pp. 35–36.

Kwang-ok Kim, “Colonial Body and Indigenous Soul,” pp. 265, 270.

For more on these “fake religions” (ruiji shūkyō), see Atkins, Primitive Selves, pp. 72–73.

Kwang-ok Kim, “Colonial Body and Indigenous Soul,” pp. 273, 289–290.

Caprio, Japanese Assimilation Policies in Colonial Korea, p. 109; Atkins, Primitive Selves, p. 72.

Dudden, Japan’s Colonization of Korea: Discourse and Power, p. 121.

Government-General of Chosen, Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen (1912–1913), pp. 37–38; Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen hōrei shūran (Compilation of Korean laws), chap. 7, 25, Article 2, Jisatsurei shikō kisoku (Temple Act Enforcement Regulations); Sørensen, “The Attitude of the Japanese Colonial Government,” pp. 54–55; Grayson, Korea: A Religious History, p. 190; Hwansoo Ilmee Kim, Empire of the Dharma, pp. 4, 306–308.

Robinson, “Chapter 17: Forced Assimilation, Mobilization, and War,” p. 315; Sørensen, “The Attitude of the Japanese Colonial Government Towards Religion in Korea (1910–1919),” pp. 61–62.

Hwansoo Ilmee Kim, Empire of the Dharma, pp. 2–4.

Hyung Il Pai, Constructing “Korean” Origins, pp. 36–37, 260.

Yŏnhap News Agency, Korea Annual 1991, p. 298.

Munhwajae kwalliguk (Cultural Properties Management Office), Uri nara-ŭi munhwajae (Korea’s cultural properties), p. 575; Yi Kuyŏl, Han’guk munhwajae pihwa (Secret stories of Korean cultural properties), pp. 62–76.

Pai, Heritage Management in Korea and Japan, pp. 108–109.

Yi Kuyŏl, Han’guk munhwajae pihwa, p. 87.

Mong-Lyong Choi, A Study of the Yŏngsan River Valley Culture, p. 13; Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” p. 87; Hyung Il Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 29, and Constructing “Korean” Origins, p. 279.

 Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 39, and “Resurrecting the Ruins of Japan’s Mythical Homelands,” pp. 100–103.

Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” pp. 29–31.

Tadashi Sekino, “Ancient Remains and Relics in Korea,” p. 4.

Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 38.

Reischauer, “Japanese Archeological Work on the Asiatic Continent in 1937 and 1938,” p. 87.

Pai, Constructing “Korean” Origins, p. 35.

Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” p. 88.

Ivy, Discourses of the Vanishing, pp. 71–72, 85–86, 94, 104.

Grayson, Korea, pp. 221–222; Hwansoo Ilmee Kim, Empire of the Dharma, p. 2.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen hōrei shūran, chap. 7, 25, Article 7, Jisatsurei shikō kisoku; Government-General of Chosen, Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen, p. 108; Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 37.

See Chõsen sõtokufu, Chõsen sõtokufu tõkei nenpõ (Statistical yearbook of the Government-General of Korea), vols. 1911–1917, 1920, 1924, 1925 and 1928.

Sekino, “Ancient Remains and Relics in Korea,” p. 4.

Woo-keun Han, The History of Korea, p. 471.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen hōrei shūran, chap. 7, 24, Articles 5 and 6. The penalty for not abiding by this rule was set at a maximum of fifty yen. A 1923 annual report of the Government-General of Korea stated that the regulations were enacted for the purpose of “removing all restrictions, giving freedom of propagation, guaranteeing temples their properties and raising the status of the priests” (Government-General of Chosen, Annual Report on Reforms and Progress in Chosen, p. 108).

Kim Chongyŏm, “Oegug-ŭi munhwajae kwalli chedo” (Foreign cultural properties management systems), p. 252; Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 37.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen koseki chōsa hōkoku (Reports on investigations of ancient sites in Korea). p. 6. This so-called Ancient Shrines and Temples Research Committee (Koshaji chōsa iinkai), has incorrectly been named “Kōseki kenkyū iinkai” (Munhwajae kwalliguk, Uri nara-ŭi munhwajae, p. 575).

Atkins, Primitive Selves, p. 49; Pai, “Resurrecting the Ruins of Japan’s Mythical Homelands.” Article 2 stipulated that if relics were deemed important enough for preservation, the respective owner or manager, the location, the presumed origin, and the recommended method of protection were all to be registered. Articles 3 to 8 constituted precautionary measures with regard to the future discovery of relics, stating that no relics were to be disposed of or changed in any way without prior approval from the colonial government. Included in protected sites were those containing shell mounds or tombs and ancient buildings such as town fortresses, palaces, and barrier gates (Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen koseki chōsa hōkoku, pp. 3–5). Although the law included items such as old buildings and images of Buddha, all properties belonging to temples would in effect still fall under the Jisatsurei (Sekino, “Ancient Remains and Relics in Korea,” pp. 18–19; Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen sōtokufu shisei nenpō—Showa 15 nenpō [1940], p. 638). Links with Japanese legislation abound. In Japan, there was the Antiques and Relics Preservation Law (Koki kyūbutsu hozonhō) of 1870. This was followed by the Ancient Shrines and Temples Preservation Law (Koshaji hozonhō) on June 5, 1897, which in turn was succeeded by the Law for the Preservation of Natural Monuments and Places of Scenic Beauty and Historic Interest (Shiseki meishō tennenkinenbutsu hozonhō) on April 10, 1919. While the former had only been concerned with buildings and treasures that belonged to temples, the latter also included land, flora, and fauna (see Mo Uchida, “Introduction,” pp. iii–v).

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen hōrei shūran, chap. 8, pp. 26–27.

Woo-keun Han, The History of Korea, p. 470.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen hōrei shūran, chap. 8, pp. 26–27, Articles 4, 7.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen sōtokufu shisei nenpō, pp. 639–640. It was very similar to the Law with Regard to the Preservation of Important Artifacts and the Like (Jūyō bijutsuhinto no hozon ni kansuru hōritsu) that had been enacted in Japan on April 1, 1933, and it incorporated the 1919 law as well as the National Treasures Preservation Law (Kokuhō hozonhō), which had been promulgated on March 28, 1929, as a continuation of the Ancient Shrines and Temples Preservation Law (Ch’oe Tŏkkyŏng, “Munhwajae-ŭi poho-wa taech’aeg-e taehan koch’al” [A study of the protection and control of cultural properties], p. 311; Kim Chongyŏm, “Oegug-ŭi munhwajae kwalli chedo,” pp. 251–252).

Although a previously formed Society for the Preservation of Natural Monuments, Places of Scenic Beauty and Historic Interest, and Treasures in Korea (Chōsen hōmotsu koseki meishō tennenkinenbutsu hozonkai) was in charge of overseeing the law’s execution, the colonial government maintained executive power (Munhwajae kwalliguk, Uri nara-ŭi munhwajae, pp. 575–576; Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen sōtokufu shisei nenpō, pp. 639–640).

Pai, Heritage Management in Korea and Japan, p. 125.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen sōtokufu kanpō (Government-General of Korea gazette), pp. 201–205.

Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen sōtokufu shisei nenpō, pp. 639–640.

Seidel, “Kokuho: Note à Propos du Terme ‘Trésor National’ en Chine et au Japon,” p. 229.

Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 34.

A report by Frederick McCormick shows that in northern China, too, the antiques trade had been the cause of much looting since 1900 (The North-China Herald and Supreme Court & Consular Gazette, July 25, 1914, p. 266; see also December 6, 1913, p. 722).

Pai, Heritage Management in Korea and Japan, p. 54. On one occasion, the Japanese government-general invited a number of Chinese professors from Beijing University to come to Korea to visit an archeological site. Among the inviting party was associate professor Kuroda Kanichi, who is reported to have been a serial collector of old coins (Ma Heng, “Canguan Chaoxian guwu baogao” [Report on a visit to an archeological site in Korea], p. 5).

Brandt, “Objects of Desire,” p. 742n19.

The North-China Herald and Supreme Court & Consular Gazette, August 17, 1912, p. 442; December 6, 1913, p. 722. Looting and theft have long threatened the safeguarding of relics in China. In 1934, The China Press reported that foreigners nicknamed the Antiques and Jade Bazaar in Shanghai “the thieves market” (The China Press, January 30, 1934, p. 9).

The law had first been enacted in Japan in 1895 but was promulgated by the Japanese government in Korea in 1916 (Maeil shinbo [Daily report], February 9, 1916, p. 2). The total number of reported violations of this law increased from 6 in 1916, to 324 in 1926, to 684 in 1936, and to 1143 in 1939. Again, the majority of these violations were settled through fines (Chōsen sōtokufu, Chōsen sōtokufu tōkei nenpō, 1918, p. 594; 1928, p. 370; 1938, p. 358; 1941, p. 356).

Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 37.

Seidel, “Kokuho.” One of the first official uses of the term was on December 19, 1952, by the then minister of education, Kim Pŏmnin, when establishing the Interim Committee for the Preservation of Natural Monuments, Places of Scenic Beauty and Historic Interest, and National Treasures (Kukpo kojŏk myŏngsŭng ch’ŏnyŏn kinyŏmmul imshi pojon wiwŏnhoe) for the purpose of carrying out repairs on cultural properties damaged during the Korean War (Chŏng Chaejong, “Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe yaksa,” p. 2).

Yi Kyŏngnyŏl. “Munhwa-ŭi ŭiŭi,” p. 35. One of the first uses of the term munhwa yusan was in the North Korean journal of the same name, published since 1957 by the Democratic Republic of Korea’s Research Institute for Archaeology and Folklore (Chosŏn minjujui inmin konghwaguk kwahagwŏn kogohak mit minsokhak yŏn’guso) in Pyongyang.

Atkins, Primitive Selves, p. 105.

Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” p. 87.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, “Kuhwangshil kwan’gye pŏmnyŏng,” pp. 20–21.

Among those lost were Treasure no. 240, Porim Temple in south Chŏlla province’s Changhŭng County; and Treasure no. 276, Ch’oksŏng Pavilion, a former command post located in the southern city of Chinju (Yi Kuyŏl, Han’guk munhwajae pihwa, pp. 243–245).

Pai, Constructing “Korean” Origins, p. 240; Heritage Management in Korea and Japan, pp. 176, 181.

The Office of the Former Royal House hold, which was renamed again on June 8, 1955, this time as Office for the Management of Property of the Former Royal House hold (Kuhwangshil chaesan samuch’ongguk), supervised the law’s implementation. In June 1955, a total of 132 people were officially employed at the office (Munhwa kongbobu, Munhwa kongbo 30-nyŏn, p. 280).

 Munhwajae kwalliguk, “Kuhwangshil kwan’gye pŏmnyŏng,” p. 22. None of the previous ordinances regarding the royal house hold had been specific about what was to be considered a cultural property. Instead, they focused on the number and type of positions that needed to be created to oversee the management of all associated responsibilities, which included the museums, gardens, and the zoo (Munhwajae kwalliguk, “Kuhwangshil kwan’gye pŏmnyŏng,” pp. 5–19).

The unit’s inauguration coincided with the official decommissioning of the Society for the Preservation of Natural Monuments and Places of Scenic Beauty and Historic Interest (Munhwa kongbobu, Munhwa kongbo 30-nyŏn, p. 282).

Chŏng Chaejong, “Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe yaksa,” p. 4.

Uchida, “Introduction,” p. iv.

David Hughes believes there is a consensus among scholars and the laity that minzoku bunkazai are, among other things, usually tied to religion in the broad sense, closely linked to a particular local community, and held at fixed places on fixed occasions (Hughes, “The Heart’s Home Town,” p. 26; see also Fujie, “A Comparison of Cultural Policies Towards Traditional Music in the United States and Japan,” p. 71; Thornbury, “The Cultural Properties Protection Law and Japan’s Folk Performing Arts,” pp. 214, 222n2).

Cang, “Defining Intangible Cultural Heritage and Its Stakeholders,” p. 47.

Thornbury, “The Cultural Properties Protection Law and Japan’s Folk Performing Arts,” pp. 211, 225; Pimpaneau, “Living National Treasures in Japan,” p. 3; Aikawa-Faure, “Excellence and Authenticity,” p. 39.

Aikawa-Faure, “Excellence and Authenticity,” p. 41.

Chungmoo Choi, “Hegemony and Shamanism,” p. 23.

Howard, Preserving Korean Music, pp. 4–6. Ye used the term to refer to master artists and craftsmen (Ye Yonghae, In’gan munhwajae). In Japan, the corresponding (and equally unofficial) term is nin’gen kokuhō (human national treasures).

Munhwa ch’eyukpu (Ministry of Culture and Sports), Munhwajae kwan’gye pŏmnyŏngjip (Collection of laws and regulations regarding the management of cultural properties), p. 11. For a description of the amendments, see Han’guk pŏpche yŏn’guwŏn, Pukhan pŏpche punsŏk, pp. 13–15.

Office of Cultural Properties, The Preservation and Transmission System, p. 37, Article 1.

Han’guk yŏn’gam p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe (Compilation Committee of the Yearbook of Korea), Han’guk yŏn’gam 1960 (1960 yearbook of Korea), pp. 501–507. Henrik Sørensen argues that the Law for the Management of Buddhist Property (Pulgyo chaesan kwallipŏp), which was enacted in 1961, was intended to control the property of Buddhist temples under the veil of protection (“‘Protecting the Nation’,” p. 197). Thus this law could be considered a copy of the 1911 Temple Act.

The importance of intangible cultural properties had already been recognized as part of the Cultural Properties Preservation Committee Regulations (Munhwajae pojon wiwŏnhoe kyujŏng) of November 10, 1960. The committee was replaced by the Cultural Properties Committee (Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe) on March 27, 1962 (Chŏng Chaejong, “Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe yaksa,” pp. 3–4).

 Aikawa-Faure, “Excellence and Authenticity, p. 44.

Pai, Heritage Management in Korea and Japan, p. 180.

Apart from the role collectors played in the smuggling of Korean artifacts abroad, scholars have recognized the hand Yanagi played in supporting the system of colonial rule that broke many traditions of folk performing arts. They nevertheless credit him for championing Korean art and crafts, and for successfully opposing the planned demolition of Kwanghwamun, the front gate of Kyŏngbok Palace, in 1922 (Brandt, “Objects of Desire,’ pp. 713–714, 726, 737; Kikuchi, Japanese Modernisation and Mingei Theory, pp. 127–129, 138).

Thornbury, “The Cultural Properties Protection Law and Japan’s Folk Performing Arts,” p. 215.

See also Schmid, Korea Between Empires: 1895–1919, p. 277.

Chŏng Chaejong, “Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe yaksa,” p. 5; Office of Cultural Properties, The Preservation and Transmission System, p. 39, Article 5.

The law also included a provision aimed at improving the control over the illegal trade in cultural relics.

See Munhwa ch’eyukpu, Munhwajae kwan’gye pŏmnyŏngjip, p. 41, Article 93. See also pp. 59–62, Articles 18, 19, and 26 (regarding the conditions for performance).

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chosŏn ch’ongdokpu, p. 161.

Munhwa ch’eyukpu, Munhwajae kwan’gye pŏmnyŏngjip, p. 13.

When it moved to Taejŏn, the Munhwajae yŏn’guso was given the English title National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage (NRICH).

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae kwalli yŏnbo (Annual report on the management of cultural properties), p. 14.

The CPC’s directive and structure were laid out before the CPPL in a separate law, the Cultural Properties Committee Regulations (Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe kyujŏng) of March 27, 1962 (Chŏng Chaejong, “Munhwajae wiwŏnhoe yaksa,” p. 4).

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae (Cultural properties), pp. 1–4.

Pai, “The Politics of Korea’s Past,” p. 29.

Two other former graduates of the Court Music Office of the Yi Royal House hold, Kim Kisu and Chang Sahun, would also write many reports as members of the subcommittee (Howard, Preserving Korean Music, p. 53).

Sorensen, “Success and Education in South Korea,” pp. 22–23, 34.

The law dictates that the total number of CPC members must not exceed 120.

Munhwa ch’eyukpu, Munhwajae kwan’gye pŏmnyŏngjip, p. 30.

Kim Okkyŏng, “Muhŏng munhwajae chŏkkŭkchŏk kwanshim-gwa chiwŏn-ŭl” (A positive interest in and support for intangible cultural properties); Munhwajaech’ŏng (Cultural Heritage Administration), “Chŏnsŭng chiwŏn kyehoek annae” (Transmission support planning guide), p. 3; Kim Chuyŏng, “Chorye chejŏng tŭng chŏnsŭng wihan taech’aek maryŏn shigŭp” (Urgent need to prepare measures such as regulations to secure tradition).

Kim Kwanghŭi, “Han’guk nongag-ŭi pop’yŏnsŏng-gwa t’ŭksu” (The universality and particularity of Korean folk music), p. 15.

Howard, “Introduction: East Asian Music as Intangible Cultural Heritage,” p. 11.

See Im Chunsŏ, “Chŏnt’ong yŏnhŭi 50-nyŏn” (Fifty years of traditional plays), pp. 339–340, 343.

Maliangkay, “The Revival of Folksongs in South Korea,” pp. 239–240.

See Hesselink, P’ungmul: South Korean Drumming and Dance, pp. 40–41.

Clark Sorensen, pers. comm., April 28, 2016.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae 11, p. 284.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae 12, p. 231.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang 1997 (Present state of important intangible cultural properties), p. 33.

Munhwa kongbobu, “Yesan kangmok myŏngsesŏ” (Detailed account of all budgetary items), pp. 849–855.

Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” pp. 86, 101.

Sang Mi Park, “The Paradox,” pp. 74–77.

See http://www.law.go.kr/법령/무문재보전및진에관법률. UNESCO’s categories of intangible cultural heritage cover a broader range of cultural expressions than those protected under Korea’s Cultural Properties Protection Law. In addition to traditional performing arts, practices, rituals, and events, they include “oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the intangible cultural heritage” (UNESCO, “Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage,” p. 2).

Han’guk pŏpche yŏn’guwŏn, Pukhan pŏpche punsŏk, p. 20; Kim Hŭit’ae, “Pŏmnyŏnggwa chedo” (Statute and system), p. 50.

The story of Ch’ŏyong, the son of the Dragon King of the Eastern Sea, is included in the compilation of myths, legends, and songs called the Samguk yusa (Remnants of the Three Kingdoms), dating from the late thirteenth century.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang 1997, pp. 11, 44.

See Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae, 7, p. 209; 18, pp. 385, 389.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang 1997, p. 7.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae, 15, p. 255; 18, p. 413.

In the official listing of IICPs, chŏnsusaeng were sometimes referred to as pojoja (assistants) (see Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang1996).

During the Chosŏn dynasty, people working for the Changagwŏn (Music Affairs Bureau) were also called aksa (Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn [Great dictionary of Korean traditional music], p. 478).

 Office of Cultural Properties, The Preservation and Transmission System, p. 56.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang 1996, p. 39; Poyuja ŏmnŭn hubo chogyo yenŭng chosa (Study of the art of candidate holders and assistant teachers without a holder), p. 27; Sorensen, “Folk Religion and Political Commitment,” pp. 325–326.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang 1997.

September 26, 1992, interview transcript courtesy of Howard. For a discussion of rivalry in the tradition of Chindo Ssikkim kut, see Howard, Preserving Korean Music, p. 144.

Howard, Creating Korean Music, p. 182.

Sŏng Kyŏngnin, “Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae-ŭi pojon chŏnsŭng” (The preservation and transmission of important intangible cultural properties), p. 6; Maliangkay, “Choosing the Right Folk,” pp. 97–98.

Munhwajae kwalliguk, Munhwajae kwalli yŏnbo, p. 14.

Maliangkay, “Choosing the Right Folk,” p. 100; Munhwajaech’ŏng, “Chŏnsŭng chiwŏn kyehoek annae,” p. 3

Kang Ŭn’gyŏng, pers. comm. via Jocelyn Clark, December 11, 2016.

Bohlman, The Study of Folk Music in the Modern World, xviii.

Harker, Fakesong: The Manufacture of British “Folksong,” p. ix.

International Folk Music Council (1955).

Howard, “Korean Folk Songs for a Con temporary World,” pp. 153–154.

Man-young Hahn, “Folksong,” p. 313; “Folksongs,” pp. 14, 19; Kim Muhŏn, Han’guk minyo munhak non (A literary discourse on Korean folksongs), p. 11.

In a long scene of the quintessential Minjung movie Sŏp’yŏnje (dir. Im Kwon-taek), which came out a year earlier, in 1993, the three protagonists sing this song in its entirety.

Ko Chŏngok, Chosŏn minyo yŏn’gu (A study of Korean folksongs), p. 19; Kim Muhŏn, Han’guk nodong minyo non (munhak, sahoehakchŏk haesŏk) (A discourse on Korean working songs: A literary and sociological interpretation), pp. 11–12, 44.

Im Tonggwŏn, Han’guk minyo sa, pp. 13–15, 17–46; “Folksong,” p. 74. The terms used to refer to folksongs have varied considerably over time, but “yo” and “ka” are predominant (Yi Tuhyŏn, Chang Sugŭn, and Yi Kwanggyu, Han’guk minsokhak kaesŏl [Introduction to Korean folklore studies], pp. 321–322).

Im Tonggwŏn, Han’guk minyo yŏn’gu (A study of Korean folksongs), p. 173; Hahn, “Folksongs,” p. 14.

Williams, Keywords, pp. 136–137.

Yi Tongsun, Pŏnji ŏmnŭn chumak (The tavern without a number), pp. 128, 201–204.

Maliangkay, “Their Masters’ Voice: Korean Traditional Music SPs (Standard Play Records) under Japanese Colonial Rule,” pp. 63–64; Son Minjŏng, T’ŭrot’ŭ-ŭi chŏngch’ihak (A study of the politics of trot), pp. 56–57.

 Pilzer, “The Twentieth-Century ‘Disappearance’ of the Gisaeng,” p. 118; Maliangkay, “Their Masters’ Voice,” pp. 62–63, 70n18; Atkins, Primitive Selves, pp. 150–166.

Robinson, “Broadcasting, Cultural Hegemony, and Colonial Modernity in Korea,” p. 62.

Atkins, Primitive Selves, pp. 79–81.

Tonga ilbo, July 11, 1935, p. 3.

Maliangkay, “Their Masters’ Voice,” p. 61.

Pak Sŏngso, Han’guk chŏnjaeng-gwa taejung kayo, kirok-kwa chŭngŏn (The Korean War and popular songs: Records and testimonies), pp. 127, 244.

Ch’oe Hyŏnch’ŏl and Han Chinman, Han’guk radio p’ŭrogŭraem-e taehan yŏksajŏk yŏn’gu: P’yŏnsŏng hŭrŭm-ŭl chungshim-ŭro (A historical study of radio programming in Korea: Focusing on trends in the organization), pp. 66–67.

Koo, “The State,” pp. 131–132.

Maliangkay, “Choosing the Right Folk,” p. 98.

By omitting transcriptions of dance and music, as well as details on the informants and the data collected, the value of the collection for the study of Korean folklore is limited. The speed with which recordings were made may have prevented singers from elaborating on songs and from improvising during singing. There are cases in which, on a single day, several singers were recorded in two separate regions or more than thirty folktales from different singers were recorded. See Han’guk chŏngshin munhwa yŏn’guwŏn (Academy of Korean Studies), Han’guk kubi munhak taegye (A compendium of Korean oral literature), 1: pp. 4, 23; 3: pp. 1, 13; and 7: pp. 14, 12. See also Howard, “Minyo in Korea,” pp. 6–7.

See Howard, Creating Korean Music, pp. 37–38.

Man-young Hahn, Kugak: Studies in Korean Traditional Music, pp. 185–189; see also Park, Voices from the Straw Mat, p. 51; Kim Insuk and Kim Hyeri, Sŏdo sori (Folksongs from the Western Provinces), pp. 60–63.

Hye-Ku Lee, Essays on Korean Traditional Music, p. 178.

Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, p. 148.

Although the techniques and timbres are similar to those of p’ansori singers, the latter commonly have a broader timbral palette. For more on the timbres of p’ansori singers, see Park, Voices from the Straw Mat, pp. 192–197; Killick, In Search of Korean Traditional Opera, p. 179.

Pilzer, “The Twentieth-Century ‘Disappearance,’” p. 45.

See, for example, O Pongnyŏ, Sŏdo sori (Folksongs from the Western Provinces).

Shin Taech’ŏl, Uri ŭmak, kŭ mat-kwa sorikkal (Our music: Its flavor and songs), pp. 70–71, 225.

Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, pp. 168–169.

Kyung-hee Kim, “Theory of Pansori,” pp. 36–37.

 Im Tonggwŏn, “Folksong,” p. 85; Killick, In Search of Korean Traditional Opera, p. 182; Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, pp. 169–170.

Im Tonggwŏn, Han’guk minyo sa, p. 6

Im Tonggwŏn, “Kanggangsullae,” p. 219; Pak Sunho, “‘Kanggangsullae’ sogo” (Some thoughts on “Kanggangsullae”), p. 18. The term sŏnch’ang comes from sŏn, which can mean “first” or “standing” (see also chapter 3), and from ch’ang, which means “singing.” Tok in tokch’ang means “solo,” while ap in apsori means “first” or “front.” The term hap in hapch’ang means “all” or “combined,” while che in chech’ang means “altogether” or “in chorus.”

The scene runs from 1:34:40 to 1:37:47.

Im Tonggwŏn, “Folksong,” p. 91.

Im Tonggwŏn, “Folksong,” p. 77.

Man-young Hahn, “Change and Innovation in Traditional Music and Dance in Folklore Festivals”; Maliangkay, “The Revival of Folksongs in South Korea,” pp. 233, 238–239.

Ch’oe Ch’ŏl, Han’guk minyohak, pp. 197, 212–221.

Im Tonggwŏn, Yŏsŏng-gwa minyo (Women and folksongs), p. 16.

Im Tonggwŏn, “Folksong,” pp. 104, 112.

See Mun Sunt’ae, “Han” (Bitterness), p. 852; Pak Kyŏngsu, Sorikkundŭl, kŭ salm-ŭl ch’ajasŏ (Singers, looking at their lives); Kim Myŏnggon, Han, Kim Myŏnggon-ŭi kwangdae kihaeng (Han: Kim Myŏnggon’s kwangdae tour); Shin Kyŏngnim, Minyo kihaeng (Folksong tour), pp. 37–41.

Shin Kyŏngnim, Minyo kihaeng, pp. 37–40.

Sasse, “Minjung Theology and Culture,” pp. 29–31. Shin Taech’ŏl argues that the sentiment is not unique to Korea: “It is only one out of many characters. It has been given too much emphasis. … Han is not something only we [Koreans] have. Every country in the world has a history of grief and resentment” (Uri ŭmak, pp. 307–308).

Frank Tedesco documents several occurrences of Christians targeting the Buddhist faith between 1982 and 1996 (“Questions for Buddhist and Christian Cooperation in Korea,” pp. 184–192). Chong-Ho Kim records a violent attack by Christians on a group of shamans in 1993 (“Cultural Politics or Cultural Contradiction?” p. 40).

Yi Kyŏngyŏp, “Kidokkyo-ŭi chŏnp’a-wa ŭirye saenghwar-ŭi pyŏnhwa” (The spread of Christianity and changes in rites).

Kim Chongch’ŏl writes that some people consider gospel in the Korean traditional music style as “music for evil spirits” (kwishin ŭmak; see “Chil nop’ŭn uri ch’ansongga pogŭp shigŭphae” [We must urgently popularize our fantastic hymns], p. 37).

The English title is Park Min Hee: Traditional Folk.

Shin Chŏnghŭi, “Myŏngin myŏngjang 28 (Famous people famous artisans 28).

Yu Yŏngdae, “Mokhoeja-ro ch’ŏt in’gan munhwajae chijŏng sŏdo sori myŏngch’ang Yi Munju moksa” (Renowned singer of songs from the western provinces, Minister Yi Munju, becomes the first pastor to be appointed a human cultural property).

See Maliangkay, “There Is No Amen in Shaman,” p. 91.

Chŏng Tonghwa, Han’guk minyo-ŭi sajŏk yŏn’gu (Historical research on Korean folksongs), p. 8.

 Yi Ch’angshik, “Han’guk minyohak kwan’gye mongnok” (List of works related to the study of Korean folksongs), p. 187.

Hughes, “The Heart’s Home Town,” pp. 12–13. For parallel events in Japan—the introduction of the term min’yō and subsequent attempts at defining various terms relating to folksongs, professionalization, government policy, and the like—see Hughes, “The Heart’s Home Town”; “Japanese ‘New Folk Songs,’ Old and New”; “‘Esashi Oiwake’ and the Beginnings of Modern Japanese Folk Song.”

Bohlman, The Study of Folk Music in the Modern World, p. ix.

Biddle and Gibson, Masculinity and Western Musical Practice, p. 136; Anderson, Imagined Communities, pp. 67–68, 118–119.

Yi Tuhyŏn, Chang Sugŭn, and Yi Kwanggyu, Han’guk minsokhak kaesŏl, p. 15.

Anderson, Imagined Communities, pp. 77–78.

Robinson, Korea’s Twentieth-Century Odyssey, pp. 24, 27–28.

Yi Tuhyŏn, Chang Sugŭn, and Yi Kwanggyu, Han’guk minsokhak kaesŏl, p. 15.

Robinson, Korea’s Twentieth-Century Odyssey, pp. 28–29; Gi-Wook Shin, Ethnic Nationalism in Korea, pp. 56–57.

Song Bangsong, “Chosŏn hugi-ŭi ŭmak” (Music in the late Chosŏn period), p. 370; Han’guk ŭmak t’ongsa (A comprehensive history of Korean music), p. 470; Chang Sahun, Chŏngbo han’guk ŭmak sa (A new history of Korean music), p. 478.

Janelli, Making Capitalism, p. 136; Keedon Kwon, “Regionalism in South Korea,” pp. 547–548.

Kwang-ok Kim, “Colonial Body and Indigenous Soul:,” p. 265.

A precedent for this can be found in Ross King’s study of early 1900s “script nationalism,” which shows that Christians in the northwestern province of P’yŏngan strongly opposed proposals to standardize the Korean orthography on the basis that it did away with historic continuity and tradition and shunned the region’s unique identity (King, “Dialect, Orthography, and Regional Identity,” pp. 146–161, 173).

Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, p. 99.

Kim Muhŏn, Han’guk nodong minyo non, p. 9.

Chŏng Tonghwa, Han’guk minyo-ŭi sajŏk yŏn’gu, p. 105.

Yŏmbul sori is prob ably best described as a Buddhist busking chant.

Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, p. 103; Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 761.

Chŏng Tonghwa, Han’guk minyo-ŭi sajŏk yŏn’gu, p. 105.

There are many theories regarding the meaning of Arirang. For a summary, see Kim Chŏmdo, Uri minyo taebaekkwa (Great encyclopedia of Korean folksongs), pp. 305–307.

Pilzer, “The Twentieth-Century ‘Disappearance,’” p. 42.

Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 129; Han’guk chŏnt’ong ŭmag-ŭi ihae, p. 92; Wha-Byong Lee, Studien zur Pansori-Musik in Korea (Studies of p’ansori in Korea), p. 153; Yun Ki-hong, “Chapka-ŭi sŏngkyŏk-kwa minyo, p’ansori-wa-ŭi kwan’gye” (Folksongs, the character of chapka, and their relation to p’ansori),” p. 208.

Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 633; Song Bangsong, Han’guk ŭmak t’ongsa, p. 469.

Kim Hŭnggyu, Han’guk munhag-ŭi ihae (An understanding of Korean literature), p. 50.

Im Tonggwŏn, Han’guk minyo chip (Collections of Korean folksongs) 6, p. 8.

 Clark, Christianity in Modern Korea, p. 3; Sørensen, “The Attitude of the Japanese Colonial Government,” p. 57.

Yi Yusŏn, Han’guk yangak p’alshimnyŏnsa (An eighty-year history of Western music in Korea), pp. 89–90; see also Yi Yongshik, “Ch’angga-esŏ minyo-ro” (From ch’angga to folksong), p. 205; Son Minjŏng, T’ŭrot’ŭ-ŭi chŏngch’ihak, p. 42. According Pak Sŏngso, the collection was published in 1872 (Han’guk chŏnjaeng-gwa taejung kayo, p. 309).

Yi Yusŏn, Han’guk yangak p’alshimnyŏnsa, p. 162; Song Bangsong, Han’guk ŭmak t’ongsa, p. 573.

Hwang Munp’yŏng, “Yusŏnggi-wa kayo-ŭi yŏkchŏng” (A history of gramophones and popular songs), pp. 85–95.

The present Korean national anthem, composed by An Ikt’ae in 1936, is also called “Aegukka” (Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 489).

Yi Yongshik, “Ch’angga-esŏ minyo-ro.” In Japan, the yonanuki scale was greatly influenced by the introduction of Scottish and Irish music at schools (Yano, Tears of Longing, p. 220n9; see also Pilzer, “The Twentieth-Century ‘Disappearance,’” p. 161n8).

Yi Yusŏn, Han’guk yangak p’alshimnyŏnsa, pp. 98–117; Song Bangsong, Han’guk ŭmak t’ongsa, pp. 569–571.

For more on the history of record companies during Korea’s colonial period, and recordings of traditional music in particular, see Maliangkay, “Their Masters’ Voice.”

Yi Kŭnt’ae, “Shin minyo-ŭi t’ansaeng” (The birth of new folksongs). The music of “The Nodŭl Riverside” was composed by Mun Howŏl (Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 784; see also Hwang Munp’yŏng, “Yusŏnggi-wa kayo-ŭi yŏkchŏng,” p. 85).

Nodŭl is located in Bon-dong, a small area located in Seoul’s Tongjak District, just south of the river Han.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 784.

Yi Kŭnt’ae, “Shin minyo-ŭi t’ansaeng”; Chang Yujŏng, Oppa-nŭn p’unggakchaengi-ya (My brother is a busker), pp. 68–69. According to Hwang Munp’yŏng, Yi Hwaja lived from 1915 to 1950 (“Yusŏnggi-wa kayo-ŭi yŏkchŏng,” p. 74). The birth and death dates of Yi Ŭnp’a are unknown. Kim Muhŏn argues that Yi Hwaja’s popularity made her “the queen of kisaeng singers” (kisaeng kasu-ŭi yŏwang) (Han’guk minyo munhak non, p. 139).

Chang Yujŏng, Oppa-nŭn p’unggakchaengi-ya, p. 83.

See Hughes, “Japanese ‘New Folk Songs.’”

Yi Pohyŏng, “‘Arirang’ sori-ŭi kŭnwŏn-gwa kŭ pyŏnch’ŏn-e kwanhan ŭmakchŏk yŏn’gu” (The origin of “Arirang” and a musicological study of its change), p. 114. A simplified version of the song had already been transcribed in February 1896 by Homer Hulbert, who wrote that even at that time it had been popular for fourteen years running (“Korean Vocal Music,” pp. 49–51). The origins of “Han obaengnyŏn” and “Ch’ŏngch’un’ga” have as yet not been found to go back farther than the colonial period.

Ko Chŏngok, Chosŏn minyo yŏn’gu, pp. 47–49, 57.

Im Tonggwŏn, Han’guk minyo yŏn’gu, pp. 73, 168–169.

Hwang Munp’yŏng, “Yusŏnggi-wa kayo-ŭi yŏkchŏng,” p. 30.

See Han Munp’yŏng, “Yi Hwaja”; Yi Kŭnt’ae, “Shin minyo-ŭi t’ansaeng”; Chang Yujŏng, Oppa-nŭn p’unggakchaengi-ya, p. 132; Pak Ch’anho, Han’guk kayo sa (A history of Korean popular songs), 1: pp. 258, 265.

Hwang Munp’yŏng, “Taejung kayo” (Popular songs), p. 483; Maliangkay, “Their Masters’ Voice,” p. 67.

The former term seems to have been coined following the publication of a collection of songs called Yuhaeng sogajip (Collection of short popular songs) in 1913. Since then, other names have also been used, including yuhaeng chapka, t’ongsok chapka, and yuhaeng soga (Hwang Munp’yŏng, “Yusŏnggi-wa kayo-ŭi yŏkchŏng,” p. 482).

Yi Yusŏn, Han’guk yangak paengnyŏnsa (A one-hundred-year history of Western music in Korea), p. 186; Hwang Munp’yŏng, “Yusŏnggi-wa kayo-ŭi yŏkchŏng,” pp. 23, 29.

Yi Yusŏn, Han’guk yangak paengnyŏnsa, pp. 184–185.

Ch’ŏn Yŏngju, “Ilche kangjŏmgi-ŭi ŭmak kyokwasŏ yŏn’gu” (A study of the music schoolbooks from the period of Japanese colonial rule), p. 218; Chang Yujŏng, Oppa-nŭn p’unggakchaengi-ya, pp. 82, 378n79; Son Minjŏng, T’ŭrot’ŭ-ŭi chŏngch’ihak, p. 21.

Yi Yŏngmi, “Ilche shidae-ŭi taejung kayo” (Popular songs from the period of Japanese colonial rule), p. 105; Pilzer, “The Twentieth-Century ‘Disappearance’,” pp. 79–80.

An early radio show dedicated to kayo, called Shinjak taejung kayo palp’yo (Newly composed pop song show), was broadcast on June 24, 1948 (Tonga ilbo, June 24, 1948, 2). During the Korean War, a growing number of radio programs were devoted to the new music genre, but none of them were regular. From the mid 1950s, however, the genre began to pervade the airwaves with the emergence of regular kayo programs (see, for example, Tonga ilbo, January 7, 1955, 3; January 18, 1955, 4; January 28, 1955, 4). Because idol K-pop is sometimes also referred to as kayo, in recent years the genre is increasingly referred to as chŏnt’ong (traditional) kayo or trot (Son Minjŏng, T’ŭrot’ŭ-ŭi chŏngch’ihak, pp. 48, 190).

Although the term sŏdo literally means “western provinces,” the provinces are located in the northwestern part of the peninsula that now forms part of North Korea.

In an interview on July 8, 2013, Sŏdo sori singer Pak Chunyŏng told me that 90 percent of his students were women and he expected that percentage to increase.

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng” (Standing Mountain Songs), p. 166.

See also Chang Tŏksun et al., Kubi munhak kaesŏl (Introduction to oral literature), p. 75.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye (A compendium of the vocal music from Korea’s Kyŏnggi and western provinces), 1: p. 164.

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 163.

Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 397; Hahn, Kugak, p. 137; Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 155.

For more on the sogo, see Hesselink, P’ungmul, p. 60.

Hahn, Kugak, p. 137. See also pictures in Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 140–143, 145.

Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 313.

Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori” (Songs from Kyŏnggi province), pp. 14–15.

Quoted in Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu (From this person onwards), p. 50.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 163.

Hahn, Kugak, p. 158; Munhwa kongbobu, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae haesŏl (Commentary on important intangible cultural properties), p. 103.

 Man-young Hahn, “Chapka,” p. 233.

Yi Pohyŏng believes that “Hwach’o sagŏri” may have been composed by the singer Shin Pangch’o (“Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 168).

Hahn, Kugak, pp. 155–158, 187.

Sŏng Kyŏngnin, Han’guk ŭmak non’go (A study of Korean music), p. 138; Han Manyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng” (Standing Mountain Songs), p. 261.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 183n8.

See Han’guk minsok taesajŏn p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe (Compilation Committee of the Great Dictionary of Korean Folklore), Han’guk minsok taesajŏn (Great dictionary of Korean folklore), 2: p. 840. The term also appears in the northwestern version of “Twissan t’aryŏng” (Song of the Rear Mountain; see Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 239).

Hahn, Kugak, p. 145.

Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori,” pp. 15–16; Han Manyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 261.

Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 202.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 181–182, 227.

A translation of the verse can be found in Hahn, Kugak, p. 150.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 187, 233–234.

Han Manyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 261.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 196.

This song must not be mistaken for the shin minyo of the same name (Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 783; Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 240).

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 783.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 211.

Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori,” p. 16; Hahn, Kugak, pp. 151–152.

The use of the term kŏri in this song title could be similar to its use in “Ch’angbu kŏri,” part of a shaman ritual, where it signifies “part” or “section.”

Shin Ch’an’gyun, Minsog-ŭi kohyang (The birthplace of folklore), p. 99.

Kim was a former graduate of holder Yu Kaedong and not, therefore, as Shin Ch’an’gyun claims, a holder of Sant’aryŏng (Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 169; Shin Ch’an’gyun, Minsog-ŭi kohyang, p. 103). Hwang Yongju claims that Yu Kaedong did not have any graduates (Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 160).

Shin Ch’an’gyun, Minsog-ŭi kohyang, pp. 99–101, 104–108; Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 170.

Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 370; Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” pp. 163–164; Han Manyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 260. For a discussion of kwangdae and kŏllipp’ae, see Hesselink, SamulNori, pp. 21–22.

According to Sung Soon Kim, the troupes consisted of lay monks who were forced into a life as itinerant entertainers when the dynasty’s new philosophy devastated livelihoods reliant on Buddhist faith (“Priests, Entertainers, or Prostitutes,” p. 41).

Ki-Baik Lee, “Chapter 9: The Creation of a Yangban Society,” pp. 130–131.

Yi Nŭnghwa, Chosŏn haeŏhwa sa (A history of Korean kisaeng), p. 283.

 Son Inae, Hyangt’o minyo-e suyongdoen sadangp’ae sori (The songs of sadangp’ae among folksongs), p. 10.

Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang” (Standing songs from Kyŏnggi province and the western provinces), p. 9; Shim Usŏng, Namsadangp’ae yŏn’gu (A study of namsadang groups), p. 34; Han’guk minsok taesajŏn p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe, Han’guk minsok taesajŏn (Great dictionary of Korean folklore), 2: p. 728. Shim Usŏng argues that sadangp’ae were “composed of women,” with each sadang having several male kŏsa assigned to her (“Namsadang,” p. 456). For more on the etymology of both terms, see Sung Soon Kim, “Priests, Entertainers, or Prostitutes,” pp. 39–43.

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 164.

Song Sŏkha, Han’guk minsok ko (Studies on Korean folklore), p. 102; “Sadang go” (Scrutinizing sadang), p. 164.

Janelli, “The Origins of Korean Folklore Scholarship,” p. 93.

See Yi Nŭnghwa, Chosŏn haeŏhwa sa, p. 287. For more examples of sadanggol, see Hahn, Kugak, p. 142; Shim Usŏng, “Namsadang ‘tŏppoegi’ yŏn’gu” (A study of namsadang’s “Tŏppoegi”), p. 97n2; Sung Soon Kim, “Priests, Entertainers, or Prostitutes,” pp. 53–54.

Shim Usŏng refers to the women as part of a couple with the kŏsa; Howard translates this as “married” (Shim Usŏng, Namsadangp’ae yŏn’gu, p. 34; Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, p. 94).

Shim Usŏng, Namsadangp’ae yŏn’gu, pp. 33–34.

Hahn, Kugak, p. 142.

Sung Soon Kim, “Priests, Entertainers, or Prostitutes,” p. 46.

Son Inae, Hyangt’o minyo-e suyongdoen sadangp’ae sori, pp. 11, 13. An official namsadangp’ae still exists today. On August 1, 1988, twenty-four years after the appointment of Pak Kyesun (b. 1934) as holder of one aspect of this group’s repertoire, Kkoktugakshi norŭm (Puppet Play; IICP no. 3), the group’s entire repertoire was officially acknowledged (Munhwajae kwalliguk, Chungyo muhyŏng munhwajae hyŏnhwang1997, p. 14). Whereas the group recognizes both its male and female ancestries, and is keenly nurturing an interest among young practitioners, it is unlikely that mudong (dancing boys) will resurface, having disappeared toward the end of the colonial period.

While most of the boys had been given to the group by parents unable to provide for them, some of them were orphans or runaways, or had been kidnapped (Shim Usŏng, Namsadangp’ae yŏn’gu, p. 41).

Sŏng Kyŏngnin, Han’guk ŭmak non’go, p. 140.

Han’guk minsok taesajŏn p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe, Han’guk minsok taesajŏn, 2: p. 728.

 Sŏ Chŏngbŏm, Sumŏsanŭn oet’olbagi 1 (Single-bur chestnuts living in secret 1), pp. 198–199.

The collection of money during the singing was called tunyang mŏri (Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 165; Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” pp. 14, 19; Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori,” p. 14).

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 271; Kwŏn Tohŭi, Han’guk kŭndae ŭmak sahoesa (A social history of Korean music from modern times), p. 146.

Kim Hyeri and Chang Hwiju, Sŏnsori san’taryŏng (Standing mountain songs), pp. 52–53. Chang Sahun claims that Shin was married to Wŏlsŏn and that he owed his success to his wife (Yŏmyŏng-ŭi tongsŏ ŭmak [Eastern and western music in the new age], pp. 143–146). A kisaeng by the same name appears in the songs “P’yŏngyangga” and “Sŏnyuga” that form part of the core repertoire of Kyŏnggi minyo, described later in this chapter.

Myŏnghŭi Han, “Performance of Bridge-Treading Festival,” p. 36.

Chang Sahun, Kugak kaeyo (An outline of Korean traditional music), p. 220; Im Tonggwŏn, “Folk Plays,” p. 98.

Ch’oe Sangsu, “Folk Plays,” p. 259.

Kwŏn Tohŭi, Han’guk kŭndae ŭmak sahoesa, p. 148.

Pan Chaeshik, Chaedam ch’ŏnnyŏn sa (A thousand-year history of comic storytelling), p. 235; see also picture in Kim Hyeri and Chang Hwiju, Sŏnsori san’taryŏng, p. 56.

Chang Sahun, Kugak kaeyo, p. 221; “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” p. 13; Yŏmyŏng-ŭi tongsŏ ŭmak, pp. 145–146; Song Sŏkha, Minsok sashil t’ŭkpyŏl chŏndo nok, p. 159; Kim Hyeri and Chang Hwiju, Sŏnsori san’taryŏng, pp. 52–53.

Chang Sahun, Yŏmyŏng-ŭi tongsŏ ŭmak, p. 145; Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 164; Hahn, Kugak, p. 145.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 328, 352; Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 165; Hahn, Kugak, pp. 139–145; Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 181, 246.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 319.

Cho Yumi, “Yusŏnggi ŭmban-e tamgin sant’aryŏng,” p. 102.

See Jigu Records Corp., Han’guk ŭmak sŏnjip che-21-chip: Sŏnsori-wa chapka (Selections of Korean music, vol. 21, Sŏnsori and chapka), JCD-9311, 1993. The CDs were produced for the National Gugak Center Library and were not commercially released. Remastered Victor recordings of northwestern versions of “Apsan t’aryŏng,” “Twissan t’aryŏng,” and “Chajin sant’aryŏng” from 1939 are included on the CD Sŏdo sori sŏnjip (A Selection of Songs from the Western Provinces), Seoul Records SRCD-1202, 1994.

Hahn, Kugak, pp. 138–139, 150; Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” pp. 164, 166–167.

Chŏng Chaeho, Han’guk chapka chŏnjip (Complete collection of Korean chapka), p. 174; Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” pp. 20–52.

Haekyung Um, Korean Musical Drama, p. 23.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 2: pp. 48, 57n123.

Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” p. 20.

Hong-key Yoon, Geomantic Relationships between Culture and Nature in Korea, pp. 34–38.

Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” pp. 31, 50.

 Hahn, Kugak, p. 143; Chŏng Chaeho, Han’guk chapka chŏnjip, pp. 296, 491. See also excerpt from the old publication Shinjŏng chŭngbo shin’gu chapka (Revised and complemented old and new chapka), transcribed in Kim Insuk and Kim Hyeri, Sŏdo sori, pp. 37–38.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 240.

Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” p. 12.

Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 218.

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 169; Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 49.

Reports on Chŏng’s study with Ch’oe differ. Yi Pohyŏng reports that Chŏng studied shijo and chapka, but Pak Sŏnghŭi reports that Chŏng was taught kagok and kasa (Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 169; Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 49). The accounts are likely complementary, because Ch’oe and many of his peers, including his well-known student Ch’oe Chŏngshik, mastered all four song types (Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 220; Hahn, Kugak, pp. 22–23).

Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 221.

Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 49.

Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” pp. 221–222.

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” pp. 168–170.

Hahn, Kugak, pp. 23–24.

Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 223; Hahn, Kugak, p. 30.

Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 223; Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 49. In Yu Iksŏ’s elaborate account of the singer’s life, there is no mention of Chŏng’s work as a gardener for Japanese residents (“Chŏng Tŭngman,” pp. 217–225). Chŏng presumably felt reluctant to talk about it, given that anti-Japanese sentiments remained strong at the time of Yu’s interview.

Quoted in Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 222.

Chang Sahun, “Kyŏnggido ipch’ang-gwa sŏdo ipch’ang,” p. 11. See also Howard, Bands, Songs, and Shamanistic Rituals, p. 103; and Hahn, Kugak, p. 53.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 178; Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 224. Chŏng was also put forward as a candidate holder of Kyŏnggi minyo in 1969 (Hong Hyŏnshik and Pak Hŏnbong, Chwach’ang Kyŏnggi kin chapka (Long chapka from Kyŏnggi province sung seated), pp. 377–378).

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 170.

No Chaemyŏng, “1962-nyŏn Han’guk minyo yŏn’guhoe ‘minyo Yo-ŭi hyangyŏn’ inswaemul charyo haeje” (Bibliographical notes on the Korean Folksong Research Society’s 1962 publication “Delights of the folksong show”), p. 400. The society had been managed by Yi Sohyang until An Pich’wi took over the helm, prob ably around the mid 1960s. See Kim Ŭnjŏng, “An Pich’wi,” p. 25; see also figure 3.5.

Maeil kyŏngje, February 23, 1971, 5; Kim Ŭnjŏng, “An Pich’wi,” p. 25.

Shin Chŏnghŭi, “An Pich’wi yŏsa 13-se-e immun Kyŏnggi minyo-ro muhyŏng munhwajae” (Madame An Pich’wi from her debut at the age of thirteen to intangible cultural property of Kyŏnggi minyo); No Chaemyŏng, “1962-nyŏn Han’guk minyo yŏn’guhoe,” p. 400.

Maeil kyŏngje, August 21, 1982, 9.

Tonga ilbo, January 15, 1964, 5; Yu Iksŏ, “Chŏng Tŭngman,” p. 224; Hahn, Kugak, p. 30.

Quoted in Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 48.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 326.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 326.

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 170.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 160; Kim Hyeri and Chang Hwiju, Sŏnsori san’taryŏng, pp. 163–165. On November 30, 2009, Pang Yŏnggi replaced then holder-elect Yun Chongp’yŏng (1945–2009), who passed away that year (Bang So-Yeon, pers. comm., July 22, 2013).

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 2: p. 315.

Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori,” p. 15; Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 141–143.

A picture in Sŏk Chusŏn shows the singers performing without the silk waistcoats (Han’guk pokshik sa [A history of Korean dress and accessories], p. 225).

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 164; Sŏmundang, Sajin-ŭro ponŭn Chosŏn shidae, 1: p. 112; Paek Hwarang, “Ŏpsŏjin minsok sadangp’ae” (The lost folklore of sadangp’ae), p. 187; Hahn, Kugak, p. 142.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 141–143. A picture in Sŏk Chusŏn shows the singers performing without hairbands (Han’guk pokshik sa, p. 225).

Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 165.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 315.

See Maliangkay, “There Is No Amen in Shaman.”

See Ch’oe Sangsu, “Folk Plays,” p. 257; Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori,” p. 15; Yi Pohyŏng, “Sŏnsori sant’aryŏng,” p. 169; Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: pp. 140–143, 145; Kungnip kugagwŏn, “Ipch’ang sant’aryŏng” (Mountain Songs performed standing), p. 6.

When Hwang Yongju and his senior students were invited to perform at Seoul’s Chŏngdong Theater on September 30, 1995, he brought along only male senior students.

Former holder Muk Kyewŏl has commented that although she used to sit throughout her performance, by the 1990s she had become accustomed to occasionally getting up and dancing with an hourglass drum (Muk, cited in Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 22).

Ryu Ŭiho, Muk Kyewŏl Kyŏnggi sori yŏn’gu (A study of Muk Kyewŏl’s Kyŏnggi folksongs), p. 34.

For more on the relation between kasa and chapka, see Hong Hyŏnshik and Pak Hŏnbong, Chwach’ang Kyŏnggi kin chapka, p. 375; Hahn, “Chapka,” p. 235; Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 162–163; Yun Kihong, “Chapka-ŭi sŏngkyŏk-kwa minyo,” pp. 209, 212; and Chang Sahun, Han’guk chŏnt’ong ŭmag-ŭi ihae, p. 101.

According to legend, in China’s ancient times King Fu Xi was the first to teach his people how to fish, hunt, and farm livestock (Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 306).

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 189–190.

 Kim Yŏngun and Kim Hyeri, Kyŏnggi minyo (Folksongs from Kyŏnggi Province), p. 38.

Hahn, “Chapka,” p. 239; Chang Sahun, Kugak taesajŏn, p. 855; Paek Taeung, “Kyŏnggido sori,” p. 18.

An example can be found on Seoul Records 9407-G526 (1994), Hŭnggyŏun sorip’anesŏ (On the joyous folk scene).

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 287; Kim Yŏngun and Kim Hyeri, Kyŏnggi minyo, p. 95.

Hwang Yongju, Han’guk kyŏng/sŏdo ch’angak taegye, 1: p. 287.

An example of this style of singing can be found on Oasis ORC-1233 (1991), Muhyŏng munhwajae che-57-ho (ICCP no. 57). Typical Kyŏnggi folksongs that are not regarded as t’ongsok minyo, but are sung in very much the same way, include the hwimori chapka, songs such as “Kŭmgangsan t’aryŏng” (Ballad of Mount Kŭmgang) and a number of shin minyo. The latter include “P’ungdŭngga,” which was composed by Ch’oe Chŏngshik in 1903, and “T’aep’yŏngga” (Song of Peace), composed shortly after the Pacific War (Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 213, 790).

Chŏng Tŭngman, quoted in Pak Sŏnghŭi, I saram ihu, p. 51.

See Taedo Records, Muk Kyewŏl Kyŏnggi chapka wanch’angjip (Muk Kyewŏl, a complete recital of Kyŏnggi chapka), JCDS-0542, 1997; see also Ryu Ŭiho, Muk Kyewŏl Kyŏnggi sori yŏn’gu, p. 289.

Nipponophone K210-A/B.

See Jigu Inc., Kyŏnggi myŏngch’ang Pak Ch’unjae (Pak Ch’unjae, the famous singer from Kyŏnggi province), JCDS-0542, 1996.

Day, A Century of Recorded Music, p. 9; Barfe, Where Have All the Good Times Gone, p. 32; Maliangkay, “Their Masters’ Voice,” p. 64.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 162–164; Pan Chaeshik, Chaedam ch’ŏnnyŏn sa, pp. 251–253; Kim Yŏngun and Kim Hyeri, Kyŏnggi minyo, pp. 26–30; Ryu Ŭiho, Muk Kyewŏl Kyŏnggi sori yŏn’gu, p. 29.

Hong Hyŏnshik and Pak Hŏnbong, Chwach’ang Kyŏnggi kin chapka, p. 371.

Shin Ch’an’gyun, Minsog-ŭi kohyang, p. 104; Kim Ŭnjŏng, “An Pich’wi,” p. 24.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 164–165; Shin Ch’an’gyun, Minsog-ŭi kohyang, pp. 103–104; Kim Ŭnjŏng, “An Pich’wi,” p. 24; Yi Pohyŏng, “Chŏnt’ong sahoe-esŏ minyo-rŭl yŏnhaenghanŭn sahoe chiptan-gwa kŭ munhwa haengwi” (The social groups who sang folksongs in traditional society and their cultural behavior), p. 148.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 163–168; Shin Ch’an’gyun, Minsog-ŭi kohyang, p. 100; Hahn, Kugak, pp. 21–22.

Robinson, “Growth of the Forces of Enlightenment,” p. 227.

Hwang Miyŏn, Kwŏnbŏn-gwa kisaeng-ŭro, pp. 66–67.

 Robinson, Cultural Nationalism in Colonial Korea, 1920–1925, p. 63; Young Ik Lew, “Growth of the Forces of Enlightenment,” pp. 228–229.

Maliangkay, “New Symbolism and Retail Therapy,” pp. 30–31.

Michael Robinson notes that some listeners complained that the radio was using kisaeng (“Broadcasting, Cultural Hegemony,” p. 65).

See Tonga ilbo, September 22, 1921, 3; November 30, 1921, 3; May 13, 1922, 3; November 28, 1923, 3; May 20, 1924, 7; August 17, 1926, 5; December 17, 1930, 5; April 8, 1931, 3; April 24, 1938, 3; and Chosŏn ilbo (Korea daily) January 26, 1926, 2; September 6, 1927, 2; August 7, 1931, 7. In several cases, it was reported that the girls had committed suicide because they were unable to be with a man they loved (Tonga ilbo, December 20, 1923, 3; December 11, 1925, 3; and Chosŏn ilbo, July 17, 1925, 2; October 24, 1929, 7). For more on the various reasons behind young women’s suicide and their reportage during the colonial period, see Theodore Jun Yoo, The Politics of Gender in Colonial Korea, pp. 2, 59, 162, 175. For more on the use of drugs among kisaeng, see Hwang Miyŏn, Kwŏnbŏn-gwa kisaeng-ŭro, p. 231.

Pilzer, “The Twentieth-Century ‘Disappearance’,” p. 298.

Hwang Miyŏn, Kwŏnbŏn-gwa kisaeng-ŭro, p. 44.

Kawamura Minato, Malhanŭn kkot: Kisaeng (Speaking flowers: Courtesans), pp. 193–199; Atkins, Primitive Selves, p. 181; Hwang Miyŏn, Kwŏnbŏn-gwa kisaeng-ŭro, pp. 162, 222.

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 163, 166; Hahn, Kugak, p. 22.

Tonga ilbo, May 2, 1927, 3; Hwang Miyŏn, Kwŏnbŏn-gwa kisaeng-ŭro, pp. 70, 76.

Han’guk minsok taesajŏn p’yŏnch’an wiwŏnhoe, Han’guk minsok taesajŏn, 1: p. 189. According to Sŏl Hojŏng, the Hansŏng and Hannam kwŏnbŏn mostly attracted students from the area around Pusan, while the Chosŏn kwŏnbŏn drew mainly students from Seoul (Sŏl Hojŏng, “Nŭlgŭn kisaeng Ch’ohyangi,” p. 73).

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: p. 166; Chosŏn yŏn’guhoe (Research Society of Colonial Korea), Chosŏn miin pogam (Handbook of Korean beauties), p. 9; Kim Ŭnjŏng, “An Pich’wi,” p. 23; No Tongŭn, Han’guk kŭndae ŭmak sa (A modern history of Korean traditional music), p. 559. According to Sŏl Hojŏng, the school was established in 1919. He notes that the Chosŏn kwŏnbŏn had initially been known as the Taejŏng kwŏnbŏn (“Nŭlgŭn kisaeng Ch’ohyangi,” p. 73; see also Chosŏn yŏn’guhoe, Chosŏn miin pogam).

Yi Ch’angbae, Han’guk kach’ang taegye, 1: pp. 163–168; Hahn, Kugak, pp. 21–23.

Han’guk chŏngshin munhwa yŏn’guwŏn, Kyŏngsŏng pangsongguk kugak pangsong kok mongnok (Kyŏngsŏng Broadcast Corporation’s play list of Korean traditional music), pp. 24–27.