
Published online:
01 September 2010
Published in print:
19 August 2010
Online ISBN:
9780191722844
Print ISBN:
9780199577743
Contents
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6.1 Introduction 6.1 Introduction
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6.2 The morphosyntactic definiteness feature 6.2 The morphosyntactic definiteness feature
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6.2.1 The definiteness feature in Hebrew 6.2.1 The definiteness feature in Hebrew
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6.2.2 A definiteness feature in other languages? 6.2.2 A definiteness feature in other languages?
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6.3 Definiteness spreading in Hebrew 6.3 Definiteness spreading in Hebrew
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6.3.1 Background: Semitic construct state nominals 6.3.1 Background: Semitic construct state nominals
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6.3.2 Establishing morphosyntactic feature spreading 6.3.2 Establishing morphosyntactic feature spreading
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6.3.3 Definiteness spreading and interpretation 6.3.3 Definiteness spreading and interpretation
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6.3.3.1 Both the embedded DP and the CS as a whole interpreted as definite 6.3.3.1 Both the embedded DP and the CS as a whole interpreted as definite
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6.3.3.2 Only the embedded DP interpreted as definite 6.3.3.2 Only the embedded DP interpreted as definite
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6.3.3.3 Only the CS as a whole interpreted as definite 6.3.3.3 Only the CS as a whole interpreted as definite
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6.3.3.4 [+def] not interpreted at all within the CS 6.3.3.4 [+def] not interpreted at all within the CS
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6.3.3.5 Summary of the main descriptive generalizations 6.3.3.5 Summary of the main descriptive generalizations
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6.4 Definiteness spreading cross‐linguistically 6.4 Definiteness spreading cross‐linguistically
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6.4.1 Against a unified analysis 6.4.1 Against a unified analysis
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6.4.2 Two kinds of definiteness spreading 6.4.2 Two kinds of definiteness spreading
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6.5 The nature of morphosyntactic definiteness 6.5 The nature of morphosyntactic definiteness
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6.6 Conclusion 6.6 Conclusion
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Chapter
6 The definiteness feature at the syntax–semantics interface
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Pages
143–165
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Published:August 2010
Cite
Danon, Gabi, 'The definiteness feature at the syntax–semantics interface', in Anna Kibort, and Greville G. Corbett (eds), Features: Perspectives on a Key Notion in Linguistics (Oxford , 2010; online edn, Oxford Academic, 1 Sept. 2010), https://doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199577743.003.0006, accessed 25 Apr. 2025.
Abstract
Based on cross‐linguistic differences in the interpretation of genitive constructions, this chapter argues that there are two strategies for interpreting complex nominals: one that relies on sharing a monovalent morphosyntactic definiteness feature, and one that does not; the former is restricted to languages like Hebrew that have a definiteness feature.
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