
Contents
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18.1. Introduction 18.1. Introduction
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18.1.1. Preliminaries 18.1.1. Preliminaries
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18.1.2. The Overt Attractor Hypothesis 18.1.2. The Overt Attractor Hypothesis
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18.1.3 Outline of the chapter 18.1.3 Outline of the chapter
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l8.2. The Learning Path l8.2. The Learning Path
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l8.3 Dative Experiencers: The Traditional Account l8.3 Dative Experiencers: The Traditional Account
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18.4. Non–Nominative Subjects, Nominative Non–Subjects 18.4. Non–Nominative Subjects, Nominative Non–Subjects
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18.5. A Parametric Typology of Case 18.5. A Parametric Typology of Case
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l8.6. Dative Subjects In oe l8.6. Dative Subjects In oe
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18.7. Type I Vs. Type N 18.7. Type I Vs. Type N
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18.7.1. Lexical variation 18.7.1. Lexical variation
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18.7.2. Nominative substitution 18.7.2. Nominative substitution
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18.7.3. Expletives 18.7.3. Expletives
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18.7.4. Word order 18.7.4. Word order
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18.7.5. Summary 18.7.5. Summary
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18.8. What Changed 18.8. What Changed
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18.9. The Emergence of A–Movement 18.9. The Emergence of A–Movement
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18.9.1. Stage 1 18.9.1. Stage 1
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18.9.2. Stage 2 18.9.2. Stage 2
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18.9.3. Summary 18.9.3. Summary
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18.10. Conclusions 18.10. Conclusions
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18 Movement, Morphology, and Learnability
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Published:June 2002
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Abstract
This chapter focuses on the relation between morphological case and A-movement. It argues against the so-called Overt Attractor Hypothesis (OAH) under which case morphology is a cue for A-movement. It examines Old English dative experience verbs (impersonal verbs) which were reanalyzed as nominative verbs in the Middle English period. Three central claims are made: (a) the reanalysis of impersonal constructions in English resulted from the emergence of A-movement where there had been none; (b) there is no implicational relation between case morphology and the acquisition of A-movement; and (c) the emergence of A-movement was not triggered by properties of the primary linguistic data but by a requirement of the language acquisition device.
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